Why Rhodes Must Fall

Author:

Newsinger John

Abstract

The international Rhodes Must Fall campaign has reinvigorated public interest in the legacy of Cecil Rhodes, Empire and the production of historical memory. But it has also been subject to a fierce backlash in the rightwing media, which has fought against the campaign at an Oxford college to remove a statue of Cecil Rhodes both on the grounds of free speech (and the right to offend) and on the grounds that Rhodes must be judged by the standards of his time. Here, the author revisits Rhodes’ legacy in Africa, detailing not only his imperial exploits via the British South Africa Company but the way he was reviled by British politicians, thinkers, and writers at the time – even at Oxford itself.

Publisher

SAGE Publications

Subject

General Social Sciences,Sociology and Political Science,Social Sciences (miscellaneous),Archaeology,Anthropology,Archaeology,Cultural Studies

Reference18 articles.

1. Flint John, Cecil Rhodes (New York: Little Brown and Co, 1974), pp. 248–252. According to Flint, Rhodes’ ideas on good governance ‘in many ways anticipated fascism … he would have been at home in a one-party corporate state. He disliked the concept of an opposition’ (p. 160).

2. Turrell Robert Vient, Capital and Labour on the Kimberley Diamond Fields 1871-1890 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 121.

3. He hoped his name would live on for 4,000 years. See Maylam Paul, The Cult of Rhodes (Cape Town: David Philip, 2005), p. 12.

4. Rotberg Robert, The Founder: Cecil Rhodes and the pursuit of power (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 256− 295.

5. Gladstone was, of course, the greatest of nineteenth-century British hypocrites. In 1879−1880, he had campaigned against Tory imperial adventures but once in office he proceeded to invade and occupy Egypt. See Newsinger John, The Blood Never Dried: a people’s history of the British Empire (London: Bookmarks, 2006), pp. 92−104.

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