1. Denver Democrat 19 April 1913.
2. The nature of regional development in the American West is a key problematic in what has come to be called «New Western History». Much of the historical work in this field seeks to understand how the West developed and was cemented together as a coherent region. To understand the processes behind the «making» of the West, New Western Historians have raised anew the question of the ontological status of regions. See W. Cronon, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York 1991); P. N. Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of The American West (New York 1987); R. White, It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own: A New History of the American West (Norman 1991); idem The Organic Machine (New York 1994). For a critique of this regional project see B. Page, Charting the middle ground: history, geography and city-hinterland relations in the Great West, Ecumene 5 (1998) 81–104.
3. The standard histories of the IWW all explore the nature and importance of these struggles. See especially, M. Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World (Urbana 1988, second edition); P. Foner,The History of The Labor Movement in the United States, Volume IV: the Industrial Workers of the World, 1905–1917 (New York 1965). Specific documents from, and histories of, the several free speech fights are collected in P. Foner,Fellow Workers and Friends: Free Speech Fights As Told By Participants (Westport 1981). A study of the geography of free speech struggles within the context of American constitutional law is D. Mitchell, Political violence, order, and the legal construction of public space: power and the Public Forum Doctrine, Urban Geography 17 (1996) 152–78.
4. The most violent free speech struggle was in San Diego in 1912. The response to the IWW's claims to the streets was so extreme that the California Governor's special investigator of the struggle, Harris Weinstock, remarked in his official report, that “it was hard to believe he was not sojourning in Russia, conducting an investigation there instead of in this alleged «land of the free and home of the brave,» ” quoted in W. Preston, Aliens and Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals, 1903–1933 (New York 1963). Within the IWW, a revolutionary labour union founded in 1905, there was strenuous debate over the efficacy of free speech struggles, with many members and leaders arguing that they detracted from the business of effectively organizing workers, and others pointing out that the very ability to organize depended on access to the streets to agitate; Dubofsky, op. cit
5. G. Creel, Rebel at Large: Recollections Of Fifty Crowded Years (New York 1947) 103. Creel is remembered best for leading President Woodrow Wilson's World War I propaganda machine, the Office of Public Information. He was also a key member of the pre-World War I muck-raking federal Commission on Industrial Relations.