What the Numbers Say: A Digit-Based Test for Election Fraud

Author:

Beber Bernd,Scacco Alexandra

Abstract

Is it possible to detect manipulation by looking only at electoral returns? Drawing on work in psychology, we exploit individuals' biases in generating numbers to highlight suspicious digit patterns in reported vote counts. First, we show that fair election procedures produce returns where last digits occur with equal frequency, but laboratory experiments indicate that individuals tend to favor some numerals over others, even when subjects have incentives to properly randomize. Second, individuals underestimate the likelihood of digit repetition in sequences of random integers, so we should observe relatively few instances of repeated numbers in manipulated vote tallies. Third, laboratory experiments demonstrate a preference for pairs of adjacent digits, which suggests that such pairs should be abundant on fraudulent return sheets. Fourth, subjects avoid pairs of distant numerals, so those should appear with lower frequency on tainted returns. We test for deviations in digit patterns using data from Sweden's 2002 parliamentary elections, Senegal's 2000 and 2007 presidential elections, and previously unavailable results from Nigeria's 2003 presidential election. In line with observers' expectations, we find substantial evidence that manipulation occurred in Nigeria as well as in Senegal in 2007.

Publisher

Cambridge University Press (CUP)

Subject

Political Science and International Relations,Sociology and Political Science

Reference98 articles.

1. Investigating allegations of scientific misconduct

2. Note that in this case f is linearly approximated over sequences of size 2(b − 1) rather than b, which means that proposition 3 actually places a somewhat stricter restriction on the approximation error than corollary 1.

3. Alternatively, the test could be deployed clandestinely to prevent adaptation by election officials, although this may not be feasible if organizations engage repeatedly in monitoring and reporting.

4. In practice, this means that we include counts for Wade's main competition (Diouf in 2000, and Idrissa Seck and Ousmane Tanor Dieng, who received 15% and 14% of the official vote count, respectively, in 2007) as well as the number of registered voters for the election in 2000. Registration information was not available for the 2007 election. We do not include figures for total votes because they appear to have been computed automatically from other fields in the relevant spreadsheets. We analyze data for the decisive round of voting, that is, the run-off round in 2000 and the first round in 2007. Figures 9 and 10 exclude single- and double-digit counts because they are relatively prevalent in these data compared to the other election results we analyze. The patterns illustrated here persist if we include small counts, but significant deviations from the uniform distribution become more pronounced for the 2007 election.

5. We find it plausible to think that in general different types of fraud can serve as substitutes for one another, even if this may not be the case here. See, for example, Ichino and Schündeln (2011) on the potential displacement of irregularities. One reason why officials may want to deploy several techniques of fraud simultaneously, complementing, for example, digit manipulation with ballot box stuffing, is to maximize their chances of obtaining a particular outcome, in particular if the marginal cost of engaging in an additional type of fraud is low. Another reason could be that some types of fraudulent behavior serve a purpose other than simply winning the election at hand, such as sending a signal of strength to and disabling an effective opposition.

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