Core Cognitive Mechanisms Underlying Syntactic Priming: A Comparison of Three Alternative Models

Abstract

Syntactic priming (SP) is the effect by which, in a dialogue, the current speaker tends to re-use the syntactic constructs of the previous speakers. SP has been used as a window into the nature of syntactic representations within and across languages. Because of its importance, it is crucial to understand the mechanisms behind it. Currently, two competing theories exist. According to the transient activation account, SP is driven by the re-activation of declarative memory structures that encode structures. According to the error-based implicit learning account, SP is driven by prediction errors while processing sentences. By integrating both transient activation and associative learning, Reitter et al.'s hybrid model 2011 assumes that SP is achieved by both mechanisms, and predicts a priming enhancement for rare or unusual constructions. Finally, a recently proposed account, the reinforcement learning account, claims that SP driven by the successful application of procedural knowledge will be reversed when the prime sentence includes grammatical errors. These theories make different assumptions about the representation of syntactic rules (declarative vs. procedural) and the nature of the mechanism that drives priming (frequency and repetition, attention, and feedback signals, respectively). To distinguish between these theories, they were all implemented as computational models in the ACT-R cognitive architecture, and their specific predictions were examined through grid-search computer simulations. Two experiments were then carried out to empirically test the central prediction of each theory as well as the individual fits of each participant's responses to different parameterizations of each model. The first experiment produced results that were best explained by the associative account, but could also be accounted for by a modified reinforcement model with a different parsing algorithm. The second experiment, whose stimuli were designed to avoid the parsing ambiguity of the first, produced somewhat weaker effects. Its results, however, were also best predicted by the model implementing the associative account. We conclude that the data overall points to SP being due to prediction violations that direct attentional resources, in turn suggesting a declarative rather than a RL based procedural representation of syntactic rules.