Race, Reform, and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimation in Antidiscrimination Law

Author:

Crenshaw Kimberle Williams

Abstract

In 1984, President Reagan signed a bill that created the Martin Luther King, Jr. Federal Holiday Commission. The Commission was charged with the responsibility of issuing guidelines for states and localities to follow in preparing their observances of Martin Luther King's birthday. The Commission's task would not be easy. Although King's birthday had come to symbolize the massive social movement that grew out of efforts of African-Americans to end the long history of racial oppression in America, the first official observance of the holiday would take place in the face of at least two disturbing obstacles: first, a constant, if not increasing, socioeconomic disparity between the races, and second, a hostile administration devoted to changing the path of civil rights reforms that some believe responsible for most of the movement's progress.

Publisher

Cambridge University Press (CUP)

Subject

Law

Reference45 articles.

1. New Developments in Legal Theory, in The Politics of law: A Progressive Critique 281 ( Kairys D. ed. 1982).

2. In 1977, however, the Supreme Court upset even this dubious compromise, holding in International Brotherhood of Teamsters v. United States, 431 U.S. 324 (1977), that Congress intended to protect all facially neutral seniority rights regardless of the discriminatory effect on Black workers. In so holding, the Court rejected the government's contention that no seniority system that perpetuated pre-Act discrimination could be bona fide under Section 703(h). See id., 353. Teamsters represents a move toward a more restrictive view of discrimination in which the objective of eradicating racial subordination is limited by competing interests. As the various opinions concerning seniority suggest, interpretation of Section 703(h) boils down to a choice of which interest will take priority: the achievement of racial equality, or the protection of interests founded in the policies of white supremacy. Simply but, the issue was whether Black hopes of overcoming racial subordination would prevail over, or be defeated by, the status quo.

3. Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review, in The Politics of Law, supra, note 8, 96.

4. Minow, The Supreme Court, 1986 Term-Foreword: Justice Engendered, 101 Harv. L. Rev. 10, 32 (1987).

5. The observation concerning the inability to bring about change in some non-legitimating fashion does not, of course, rule out the possibility of armed revolution. For most oppressed peoples, however, the costs of such a revolt are often too great. That is, the oppressed cannot realistically hope to overcome the “coercive” components of hegemony. More importantly, it is not clear that such a struggle, although superficially a clear radical challenge to the coercive force of the status quo, would be a lesser reinforcement of the ideology of American society (i.e., the consensual components of hegemony).

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