Orthogonal neural codes for phonetic features in the infant brain

Abstract

ABSTRACTCreating invariant representations from an ever-changing speech signal is a major challenge for the human brain. Such an ability is particularly crucial for preverbal infants who must discover the phonological, lexical and syntactic regularities of an extremely inconsistent signal in order to acquire language. Within visual perception, an efficient neural solution to overcome signal variability consists in factorizing the input into orthogonal and relevant low-dimensional components. In this study we asked whether a similar neural strategy grounded on phonetic features is recruited in speech perception.Using a 256-channel electroencephalographic system, we recorded the neural responses of 3-month-old infants to 120 natural consonant-vowel syllables with varying acoustic and phonetic profiles. To characterize the specificity and granularity of the elicited representations, we employed a hierarchical generalization approach based on multivariate pattern analyses. We identified two stages of processing. At first, the features of manner and place of articulation were decodable as stable and independent dimensions of neural responsivity. Subsequently, phonetic features were integrated into phoneme-identity (i.e. consonant) neural codes. The latter remained distinct from the representation of the vowel, accounting for the different weights attributed to consonants and vowels in lexical and syntactic computations.This study reveals that, despite the paucity of articulatory motor plans and productive skills, the preverbal brain is already equipped with a structured phonetic space which provides a combinatorial code for speech analysis. The early availability of a stable and orthogonal neural code for phonetic features might account for the rapid pace of language acquisition during the first year.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENTFor adults to comprehend spoken language, and for infants to acquire their native tongue, it is fundamental to perceive speech as a sequence of stable and invariant segments despite its extreme acoustic variability. We show that the brain can achieve such a critical task thanks to a factorized representational system which breaks down the speech input into minimal and orthogonal components: the phonetic features. These elementary representations are robust to signal variability and are flexibly recombined into phoneme-identity percepts in a secondary processing phase. In contradiction with previous accounts questioning the availability of authentic phonetic representations in early infancy, we show that this neural strategy is implemented from the very first stages of language development.