Supersloppy Readings: Indexicals as Bound Descriptions

Abstract

Abstract This article explores understudied dependent readings in (English) ellipsis and focus constructions and their theoretical consequences. The main focus is on “supersloppy” readings of person indexicals in VP-ellipsis, in which you can be bound by I and vice versa. The empirical properties of these cases, tested in a large-scale systematically controlled questionnaire, show that I and you can be construed as e-type pronouns dependent on each other. This challenges the Kaplanian fixity theory of indexicals in a new way: not only can first- and second-person pronouns be bound, they can also contribute descriptive meanings that affect the interpretation of (elided) sentences. Readings similar to supersloppy readings furthermore extend to time and location indexicals, demonstratives and proper names, which indicates the linguistic relevance of other relations between indexicals and between non-indexicals. All these types of dependent readings shed new light on the theories of indexicals, demonstratives and proper names as well as e-type pronouns.