1. Hugh-Jones, M. (1992) ‘Wickham Steed and German Biological Warfare Research’, Intelligence and National Security, 7(4), 379–402.
2. Wheelis, M. (1999) ‘Biological Sabotage in World War I’ in Geissler, E. and van Courtland Moon, J.E. (eds) Biological and Toxin Weapons: Research Development and Use from the Middle Ages to 1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
3. See Falk, R. (1990) ‘Inhibiting Reliance on Biological Weaponry: the Role and Relevance of International Law’, in Wright, S. (ed.) Preventing a Biological Arms Race (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press) pp. 240–66;
4. McElroy, R.J. (1991) ‘The Geneva Protocol of 1925’, in Krepon, M. and Caldwell, D. (eds) The Politics of Arms Control Treaty Ratification (New York: St Martin’s Press — now Palgrave) pp. 125–66. The term ‘bacteriological’ reflected the state of knowledge at the time, rather than any deliberate attempt to exclude other living organisms such as viruses.
5. In addition, Carter and Pearson note that sporadic but poorly supported intelligence reports about bacteriological warfare appeared throughout the 1920s and 1930s. See Carter, G.B. and Pearson, G.S. (1999) in Geissler, E. and van Courtland Moon, J.E. (eds) Biological and Toxin Weapons: Research Development and Use from the Middle Ages to 1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).