1. From conversations with Annie Milligan (see Addendum: Methodology). See also Louis S. Diggs, Since the Beginning: African American Communities in Towson (Baltimore: Uptown Press, 2000).
2. See also E. Franklin Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie (NY: Free Press Paperbacks, 1997). Frazier’s work, originally published in 1967 and widely criticized for its harsh portrayal of middle-class blacks in the United States, problema-tizes the meaning of “middle class” for African Americans whose middle-class status did not de facto change their relative economic standing in the United States. Frazier’s findings regarding conspicuous consumption among the African American middle class do not reflect the black community of Miller Town in this history. However, Frazier’s seminal work provides a context for understanding the economic place of African American business owners, and certainly those of the 1950 to 1969 time period discussed in this chapter.
3. Linda Eisenman, Higher Education for Women in Postwar America, 1945–1965: Reclaiming the Incidental Student (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), 19.
4. See also Kenneth. T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (Oxford, NY, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1985).
5. See also James B. Conant, The American High School Today: A First Report to Interested Citizens (NY: McGraw-Hill, 1959), and his second report, The Comprehensive High School: A Second Report (1967). Although there is no possibility of assessing how many girls did homework for the boys, the fact that male and female alumni who do not know each other reported as much, and that they reported as much across time periods (within the broader study) justifies documenting this recollection. Future research might focus on recovering changes and continuities in female-male student relationships not in terms of achievement gaps, but in terms of study habits and the role that sexual interest plays (or doesn’t play) in shaping them.