FOFC as a PF phenomenon: Evidence from Basque clausal embedding

Abstract

The Final-Over-Final Condition (FOFC) accounts for a strong cross-linguistic generalization whereby head-final phrases do not dominate head-initial phrases. This paper evaluates the validity of narrow syntactic vs. PF-interface approaches to this condition by studying the FOFC- violating configurations created by clausal complementation in Basque. It uncovers the decisive role played by the phonological realization of the relevant heads. It shows that whether or not these heads have overt exponence is crucial, but that it also matters whether or not they host raised heads. Among the strategies that ensure FOFC-compliance in Basque clausal embedding are (i) displacing the embedded clause (via extraposition or pied-piping) and (ii) deletion of the higher copy (and lower copy spell out) of the offending heads within the embedded clause. The analysis also accounts for the (apparent) optionalities in embedded clause placement and in negative inversion in Basque.