Same: Structural sources of anaphora and relativization

Abstract

This paper offers a unified structural analysis of anaphora and relative clauses licensed by same within definite descriptions. Taking as a point of departure the proposal that indices occupy syntactic positions in anaphoric DPs (Schwarz 2009; Simonenko 2014, i.a.), I examine the open issue of how anaphoric modifiers, particularly same, interact with this proposed structural complexity. Based on the morphosyntactic behavior of definites with same, I argue that indices may be introduced via different positions within the DP. I argue moreover that the behavior of same in both anaphoric and non-anaphoric contexts supports the view that same is syntactically an equative head (Alrenga 2007; Oxford 2010), whose selectional properties are shared across equative constructions. I also propose an analysis of as-relatives that accounts for their alternation with anaphoric interpretations, and offer a comparison with restrictive relatives.