Phasal transfer and anti-locality: Movement of objects in Japanese

Abstract

In this paper, based on an analysis of the scope properties of objects in Japanese, I argue that (i) an entire phase is transferred when a higher phase is completed, and (ii) the movement of objects and adjuncts is constrained by anti-locality. I propose that in the potential construction, the movement of accusative objects is more constrained than the movement of nominative objects owing to the interaction between phasal transfer and anti-locality, which leads the accusative and nominative objects to exhibit distinct scope behaviors. This analysis leads us to conclude that negation in Japanese is an adjunct. Furthermore, the analysis correctly predicts the movement of objects in simple transitive sentences and the non-movement of nominative phrases in certain cases.