Affiliation:
1. University of Amsterdam
2. University of Groningen
3. Fryske Akademy
Abstract
Abstract
This article discusses the historical form of the gerund in Old English, attested both as ‑enne
and ‑anne. The former is commonly considered to be the historical form, while the latter is thought to have
resulted from analogical levelling on the basis of the infinitive that ended in ‑an. The primacy of
‑enne is based on the assumption that i-mutation in unstressed syllables worked to the same
extent as in stressed ones, but it is argued that the working of sound laws can be dependent on stress and the quality of the
mutation factor. In this paper, I propose that the order should be reversed and that ‑anne is the historical
form, while ‑enne probably shows phonological reduction in word-internal position.
Publisher
John Benjamins Publishing Company