Abstract
Abstract
Reportative evidential markers are – in contrast to other evidential markers – compatible with distancing
interpretations, in which the speaker denies the truth of what is being reported. This exceptional behaviour of reportatives is
termed ‘reportative exceptionality’ (AnderBois 2014). In this paper, which addresses
French, Dutch and German reportative markers, we argue that they differ with respect to the frequency with which such distancing
interpretations actually arise. The French reportative conditionnel most frequently occurs with distancing
interpretations, whereas German sollen hardly occurs with this function. Dutch zou takes up an
intermediate position. It is claimed that the higher compatibility of the conditionnel with distancing
interpretations can be accounted for by a number of factors: its general preference for contexts in which other perspectives than
the speaker’s are highly salient; the fact that it has past tense morphology; and its general semantic make-up in which the
marking of hypotheticality is a key function.
Publisher
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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