A Remark on the Economics of Quantifier Raising

Abstract

Quantifier Raising is often considered to be a relatively local operation, though it has been argued that nonlocal applications are licensed by generating new scope interpretations ( Fox 2000 , Reinhart 2006 ) or resolving antecedent-contained deletions ( Fox 2002 , Wilder 2003 , Cecchetto 2004 ). In this article, an account of the restricted distribution of sloppy pronouns in antecedent-contained deletions leads to the conclusion that exceptional applications of Quantifier Raising are in fact not licensed purely by virtue of QR’s escaping the antecedent for ellipsis.