No explanation for the historical present: temporal sequencing and discourse

Abstract

Discourses in the historical (or narrative) use of the simple present in English prohibitbackshifting, though they allow forward sequencing. Unlike both reference time theories anddiscourse coherence theories of these temporal inferences, we propose that backshifting hasa different source from narrative progression. In particular, we argue that backshifting arisesthrough anaphora to a salient event in the preceding discourse.Keywords: tense, discourse coherence, coherence relations, perspective.