1. 1. Clark Clifford Oral History, Part V, 16-18 December 1969, Oral Histories, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, Austin, Texas (hereafter LBJL).
2. 2. Two notable revisionist histories of Johnson's foreign policies are: H. W. Brands,The Wages of Globalism(New York, 1995) and Thomas Schwartz,Lyndon Johnson and Europe(Cambridge, MA, 2003). Brands's work covers Johnson's foreign policy outside the scope of U.S.Soviet relations. Schwartz deals with Soviet-American affairs, but views the issue through the lens of American relations with the NATO allies. Also, Schwartz does not cover in depth the ABM negotiations and ignores the role of other arms control issues in facilitating cooperation between the superpowers. There are several other useful treatments of important issues in Johnson's foreign policy. Among them are Thomas W. Zeiler,Dean Rusk: Defending the American Mission Abroad(Wilmington, DE, 2000); Diane B. Kunz, ed.The Diplomacy of the Crucial Decade(New York, 1994); Nancy Tucker and Warren Cohen Book,Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World(New York, 1994); H. W. Brands, ed.Beyond Vietnam: The Foreign Policies of Lyndon Johnson(College Station, TX, 1999); as well as countless volumes on Vietnam. On Johnson and arms control, historians have focused on his efforts at ABM and strategic arms limitation in 1967 and 1968. John Prados examines the developments leading to the cancellation of the Leningrad summit in summer and fall 1968, but pays little attention to other aspects of arms control policy under Johnson. See Prados, "Prague Spring and SALT: Arms Limitations Setbacks in 1968," in Brands, ed.Beyond Vietnam, 19-36. On this subject, see also Robert Divine, "Lyndon Johnson and Strategic Arms Limitation," inThe Johnson Years, Volume III: LBJ at Home and Abroad, ed. Robert Divine (Lawrence, KS, 1994), 239-80. Other historians have explored the negotiations surrounding the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, though they have paid relatively little attention to internal administration deliberations or Johnson's role in fostering cooperation among the superpowers. See George Quester,The Politics of Nuclear Proliferation(Baltimore, MD, 1973).
3. 3. David Kaiser, "Men and Policies," in Kunz, ed.The Diplomacy of the Crucial Decade, 31, 37.
4. 4. Raymond Garthoff,Detente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan(Washington, DC, 1985); Keith L. Nelson,The Making of Detente: Soviet-American Relations in the Shadow of Vietnam(Baltimore, MD, 1995); Robert Litwak,Detente and the Nixon Doctrine: American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability(New York, 1984), especially 30-47; Wilfried Loth,Overcoming the Cold War: A History of Detente, 1950-1991, trans. Robert Hogg (Houndmills, England, 2002), 84-88; John Gaddis,Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy(New York, 1982), 274-344; Coral Bell,The Diplomacy of Detente(New York, 1977); Henry Kissinger,Years of Upheaval(Boston, 1982). For general treatments of arms control in an international context and within the American political system, see, for instance, Coit Blacker and Gloria Duffy, eds.International Arms Control: Issues and Agreements(Stanford, CA, 1984); Albert Carnesale and Richard Haas, eds.Superpower Arms Control: Setting the Record Straight(Cambridge, MA, 1987); and Lloyd Jensen,Return from the Nuclear Brink: National Interest and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty(Toronto, 1974).
5. 5. "SALT" did not come into common usage until the spring of 1968, but here I use the acronym in referring to Johnson's strategic arms limitation efforts from 1967 to 1968.