Abstract
Business interests are overrepresented in
Hong Kong's nominally democratic political
institutions. Many in Hong Kong perceive this as
evidence of the existence of “collusion between
government and business,” a phenomenon that has
stirred public concerns in the city since its
sovereignty transfer. Although anecdotal accounts
abound, no systematic analysis has been conducted
to evaluate the validity of this perception. In
this article I use a rich firm-level dataset to
offer the first systematic assessment of the
effects of political connections on firm
performance in Hong Kong. I define politically
connected firms as firms that have stakeholders
concurrently holding a seat on the Election
Committee, a constitutional body that elects the
city's chief executive. I found evidence, though
not overwhelming, consistent with the “collusion”
hypothesis: political connections do improve firm
performance measured by return on equity and
market-to-book ratio. The improvement is unlikely
due to unobserved confounding factors such as
firms' inherent ability. As for the origin of the
political connections, the data show that a firm's
economic power has little predictive value of its
connections to the Election Committee. Rather,
number of employees matters; firms that hire fewer
workers were more likely to gain a seat on the
1997 Election Committee. This result may suggest
that Beijing plays a more dominant role in the
formation of political connections—that serve
Beijing's co-optation needs rather than the
interests of powerful firms that may have a desire
to “capture” the state.
Publisher
Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Subject
Political Science and International Relations,Economics and Econometrics,Sociology and Political Science,Development
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5. Li , Meng , and Zhang
(2006, 560) point out that membership in NPC or
CPPCC is particularly advantageous to private
entrepreneurs because it gives them not only a
certain degree of political power, but also formal
and informal ties with important government
officials.
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