Strong Demands and Weak Institutions: The Origins and Evolution of the Democratic Deficit in the Philippines

Author:

Hutchcroft Paul D.,Rocamora Joel

Abstract

No country in Asia has more experience with democratic institutions than the Philippines. Over more than a century—from the representational structures of the Malolos republic of 1898 to the political tutelage of American colonial rule, from the cacique democracy of the postwar republic to the restoration of democracy in the People Power uprising of 1986—Filipinos know both the promise of democracy and the problems of making democratic structures work for the benefit of all. Some 100 years after the introduction of national-level democratic institutions to the Philippines, the sense of frustration over the character of the country's democracy is arguably more apparent than ever before. On the one hand, the downfall of President Joseph Estrada in January 2001 revealed the capacity of many elements of civil society to demand accountability and fairness from their leaders; on the other hand, the popular uprisings of April and May 2001—involving thousands of urban poor supporters of Estrada—highlighted the continuing failure of democratic structures to respond to the needs of the poor and excluded. Philippine democracy is, indeed, in a state of crisis.

Publisher

Cambridge University Press (CUP)

Subject

Political Science and International Relations,Economics and Econometrics,Sociology and Political Science,Development

Reference85 articles.

1. In the legislative sphere, this includes what Bolongaita calls veto, initiating, summoning, and endorsement and delegated powers; in the executive sphere, great discretion over budgets, appointments of local government executives (and many others), and emergency powers ( Bolongaita 1996: 99–100). Sergio Osmeña, Quezon's former rival, was elected vice president.

2. The following draws on Hutchcroft (2000).

3. Alejo Myrna , and Rocamora Joel . 2000. “Explaining Erap.” Political Brief (February 2000): 16–27.

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