1. 1. I use the Revised Romanization of Korean transliteration system throughout this article for the transliteration of the Korean language.
2. 2. I use “social poetics” to refer to the formal organization of expression vis-à-vis the social life, borrowing the term from Herzfeld (2004) and fusing it with Fox’s (2004:29) consideration of cultural poetics.
3. 3. False rumors that Koreans were rebelling against Japanese authority, poisoning wells, and other things spread in Tokyo and surrounding areas in the aftermath of the earthquake. Gangs and police massacred around six thousand Koreans in Tokyo and neighboring Kanagawa Prefecture and countless more elsewhere (Ryang 2003:732).
4. 4. Lee Hwajun provides an overview of Korean “victim consciousness” vis-à-vis the colonial period in his 2014 article; Jo Min-a (2020) investigates the pitfalls of Korean “victim nationalism.”
5. 5. Activist and historian Ichiba Junko’s (1999, 2003, 2005) work comprises the most comprehensive attempt to document the history of Korean victims of the atomic bombs; forced labor scholar Hur Kwang-moo’s (2011) research complements this, focusing in particular on differences in the experiences of Hiroshima and Nagasaki Koreans. As part of her project on the politics of memory surrounding the atomic legacy, Lisa Yoneyama (1995, 1999) has done important work on discrimination against Korean victims in the memorialization of the atomic bomb experience. Kang Suhan (2011) investigates the current situation of atom bomb victims in South Korea and makes recommendations for improving social welfare systems on their behalf. Several teams of medical researchers and scientists have produced studies on the occurrence of chromosomal damage, disease, and disability among Korean victims of the bomb and their offspring (Chung and Choe 1987; Ju et al. 2006).