Unifying two general licensors of completive adverbials in syntax

Abstract

Abstract It is well-known that an agent-oriented adverbial is syntactically licensed by a functional projection in which an agent is base generated. How is a completive adverbial, such as in three minutes, licensed? It has been noted that such an adverbial is licensed by either a resultative or an incremental theme in the form of a nominal that is quantified by a numeral (and a classifier in numeral classifier languages). Both licensing conditions encode a bounded scale. This paper argues that the nominal in the special form can be analyzed as an element hosted in a ResultP, and thus the two conditions are also unified syntactically. The evidence for the analysis comes from the syntactic similarities and interactions between such a nominal and the resultative in a VV resultative construction in Mandarin Chinese.