1. Buridan is not even mentioned in Michael Haren'sMedieval Thought. The Western Intellectual Tradition from Antiquity to the Thirteenth Century. Second ed. (Toronto-Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1992; 1st ed. 1985); now see Rolf Schönberger, “Eigenrecht und Relativität des Natürlichen bei Johannes Buridanus,”Mensch und Natur im Mittelalter. 1. Halbband. Ed. Albert Zimmermann and Andreas Speer. Miscellanea Mediaevalia, 21/1. Berlin-New York: de Gruyter, 1991, pp. 216–233.
2. Olaf Pluta, “Materialismus im Mittelalter”,Das Licht der Vernunft. Die Anfänge der Aufklärung im Mittelalter. Ed. Kurt Flasch and Udo Reinhold Jeck (Munich: Beck, 1997), pp. 134–145; see also ibid., “‘Deus est mortuus.’ Nietzsches Parole ‘Gott ist tot!’ in einer Geschichte derGesta Romanorum vom Ende des 14. Jahrhunderts,”Atheismus im Mittelalter und in der Renaissance. Akten des 38. Wolfenbütteler Symposions vom 9. bis 11. Oktober 1995. Ed. Friedrich Niewöhner and Olaf Pluta. Wiesbaden, 1997.
3. See the various contributions inHimmel, Hölle, Fegefeuer. Das Jenseits im Mittelalter. Katalog von Peter Jezler, Munich: Fink, 1994.
4. O. H. Pesch, “Glück, Glückseligkeit. Mittelalter,”Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie. Ed. Joachim Ritter. Vol. 3. Basel-Stuttgart: Schwabe, 1974, pp. 691–696, argues that “beatitudo” was exlusively a theological problem in the Middle Ages.
5. Practically the entire body of courtly love poetry pursued more or less the same agenda, that is, the woeful experience of love and its unattainability. With the exception of the dawn song, courtly love singers hardly ever projected a situation in which fulfillment of love was achieved.