Race and Rehiring in the High-Tech Industry

Author:

Mar Don,Ong Paul M.

Abstract

Previous research reveals that economic dislocation generates racial inequality because minorities suffer greater consequences from job displacement—longer unemployment duration and greater downward mobility. These outcomes, however, are conditional on being permanently laid off. This article examines the factors, including race, that influence whether or not a worker becomes displaced. More specifically, the article analyzes the probability of being rehired after an initial layoff using administrative data collected on workers laid off after the severe 1985 sectoral recession in Silicon Valley's semiconductor industry. The results from logit regressions show that, after controlling for observable worker and firm characteristics, black workers are less likely to be rehired than other workers.

Publisher

SAGE Publications

Subject

Economics and Econometrics,Cultural Studies

Reference17 articles.

1. See P.Ong, “Race and Post-Displacement Earnings Among High-Tech Workers,”Industrial Relations, 30 (3) (Fall 1991), 456–468 for the wage effects of displacement. For other effects of displacement by race see, D. Hammermesh, “What Do We Know About Worker Displacement in the U.S.?,”Industrial Relations, 28 (1) (Winter 1989a), 51-60; T. Moore, “Racial Differences in Postdisplacement Joblessness,”Social Science Quarterly, 73 (3) (Sept. 1992), 674-689; Lori Kletzer, “Job Displacement, 1979–86: How Blacks Fared Relative to Whites,”Monthly Labor Review, 114 (7) (July 1991), 17-25. Only Ruhm disagrees with these studies, finding little difference by race in unemployment duration after displacement when compared with nondisplaced workers (C. Ruhm, “Displacement Induced Joblessness,”Review of Economics and Statistics, 73 (3) (Aug. 1991), 517-522.

2. See M.Podgursky and P.Swaim, “Job Displacement and Earnings Loss: Evidence from the Displaced Worker Survey.”Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 41 (1) (Oct. 1987), 17–29; Hammermesh, (1989); and P. Ong and D. Mar, “Post-Layoff Earnings Among Semiconductor Workers,”Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 45 (2) (Jan. 1992), 366-379.

3. See, Ong (1991). For example, in 1980, 4% of all high-tech workers in the Silicon Valley were black, 14% were Hispanic, and 15% were Asian, which is close to the racial distribution of the region’s total labor force. However, approximately half of all minority jobs were concentrated in production jobs as compared to 29% of non-Hispanic white workers.

4. See J.Medoff, “Layoffs and Alternatives under Trade Unions in U.S. Manufacturing,”American Economic Review, 69 (3) (June 1979), 380–95; R. Freeman, “The Effect of Unionism on Worker Attachment to Firms,”Journal of Labor Research (Spring 1980), 29-61; K. Abraham and J. Medoff, “Length of Service and Layoffs in Union and Nonunion Work Groups,”Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 37 (1) (Oct. 1984), 87-97.

5. See F.Blau and L.Kahn, “Unionism, Seniority, and Turnover,”Industrial Relations, 22 (4) (Fall 1983), 362–73 and R. Freeman, “The Exit-Voice Tradeoff in the Labor Market: Unionism, Job Tenure, Quits, and Separations,”Quarterly Journal of Economics, 94 (4) (June 1980), 643-73.

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