Abstract
Abstract
Andi (Nakh-Daghestanian; Daghestan) presents a striking pattern of agreement in which nominals in the affective case agree with the absolutive argument of their clause. Agreement between arguments is observed with verbs of perception and cognition which require affective case on the experiencer and absolutive case on the stimulus argument. Agreement between the arguments of a predicate is at best unexpected, and accordingly attempts have been made to demonstrate that apparent instances of this behaviour have an alternative explanation. The behavioural properties of agreeing nominals in Andi are explored to elucidate the syntactic status of the item expressing the experiencer. A robust set of evidence is presented (including the results of tests on imperative clauses, control structures and reflexive clauses) to establish that in Andi the experiencer is a genuine argument of the verb and has a range of subject properties.
Publisher
Oxford University PressOxford
Cited by
1 articles.
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