Abstract
Theto-PP form of the dative alternation is argued to have arisen from contact with French rather than being linked to the loss of the Old English Dative case. It is shown to have been extended in ME to the experiencer argument of psych verbs, and to the recipient argument of some verbs of communication, but only to those whose French counterparts took theà-dative, regardless of OE case assignment. Where French equivalents of verbs in these classes did not take an indirect object, the Middle English verb took only a nominal object. Selectivity into-PP use in ME, going beyond verbs of possession transfer yet showing a verb-specific restriction to source item argument realisation patterns, indicates that French provided a replication source for theto-PP form of the dative alternation.
Publisher
John Benjamins Publishing Company